Suchergebnisse

This opening address at the conference, "Globalization and Democracy," held in Zagreb, 8-9 Nov 2002, discusses the paradox of globalization, a phenomenon of central importance to contemporary political science & economics, yet lacking an unambiguous definition for the purposes of a scientific analysis. It is pointed out that internationalization of economies & economic & social integration did not begin with globalization but accompanied the industrialization era from its very beginning. However, while the traditional internationalization & transnationalization of economies did not threaten the sovereignty of individual states, or the legal, political, or cultural diversity of the world order, the globalization process that began in the second half of the 20th century aims precisely at doing away with that sovereignty & diversity by removing national states as relevant participants & decisionmakers in the process. One of the serious consequences of globalization is the lack of a global political subject counteracting the agents of globalization & the failure of democratic institutions to empower local constituencies with a decision-making ability that looks after their particular interests & resists the negative impact of globalization on their local economy, society, & culture. Globalization instigates resistance & conflict because it aims at making different societies & nations uniform & the divergence of interests between the rich & poor nations more pronounced. Z. Dubiel

This is a critical analysis of the normative stipulations of the 1990 Constitution of the Republic of Croatia & their reformulations regarding certain provisions on sovereignty in the Basic Provisions. The author shows that these provisions -- which either identify the state & the people as the holders of sovereignty (1990) or envision them as the two subjects of sovereign power -- imply a certain concept of the state (the state of power) that was first institutionalized in the 15th century & later evolved into a state of law. Taking the Western experience as the criterion for assessing Croatian constitutional changes, the author claims that the 1990 Constitution focused on resolving the issues that Europe tackled as far back as the 15th century (legal peace & personal security), while the later additions focused on the problems that Europe dealt with between the 17th century & the 19th century (the division of power, parliamentarism). The third & the fourth phases in the development of the modern state, democracy, & the welfare state, are not on the Croatian agenda yet. The author concludes that in its fundamental provisions & values (which have remained unchanged), the Constitution does not offer a conceptually adequate normative framework for establishing a democratic polity. Adapted from the source document.

Helmuth Plessner's study, The Belated Nation, is very topical for Croatian readers since it (via comparing the constitutions of the French & the German national communities) shows how the different types of polities within which national communities are formed (the state & the Reich) are central for the constitution of national awareness. German history proves how the international community, primarily that of Europe, immediately upon its constitution as a system of national states, forced the "belated" nations to give up on the concept of empire & constitute themselves as national states. Plessner's book is also topical in the postcommunist regimes because it superbly proves the significance of both the process of modernization & bourgeoisie as the social class in building national states. Adapted from the source document.

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

The collapse of the communist regime in Yugoslavia established in the course of the antifascist freedom fight in WWII triggered the disintegration of Yugoslavia as a state. We have witnessed the emergence of national states in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. Hence, one of the central theoretical & political problems has been that of the relationship between nationalism & fascism & the interpretation of the meaning of fascism. Nationalism is a particular type of awareness of community devoid of social & political values. It is a specific belief of a certain group of people that they are one, though it would be difficult to enumerate objective characteristics that make them an efficient entity. The immanent alternative to nationalism, as a form of awareness, is the rule of law or a dictatorship. Fascism as ideology is a movement & a regime aimed at facilitating dictatorship. The purpose of antifascism is not necessarily to engage in war with a fascist state. True antifascism means partisanship of political humanism, the rule of law, & democracy. Antifascism is a political & moral attitude of the citizens of a nation in which fascist tendencies raise their ugly head. Antifascists adopt this attitude both for the purpose of protecting their own freedom & security & because fascism destroys their nation economically, politically, & culturally. Adapted from the source document.

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

Contemporary Western politologists consider opposition a civilizational achievement & a singular value of democratic pluralist systems, but have not managed to come up with an unambiguous definition of the concept of "opposition." This paradox is a consequence of the fact that the opposition, in order to exist, must renounce radical antagonism & use of violence in promoting its interests & political goals. The existence of the opposition establishes the position (government) as a party of the totality of the system, which must recognize the equality of the opposition & renounce the use of violence against the opposition. The consensus on the necessity of renouncing the use of force enables the establishment of the totality of a system in freedom. Thus, the opposition's role is not solely to control the government & provide alternatives; by its contraposition, it stabilizes & legitimizes democratic systems. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.